INTRODUCTION
This paper explores the structural and institutional barriers hindering undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children's access to education in South Africa. The aim is to contribute insights to the growing global sociopolitical debate on the undocumented migrants’ issue, which has dominated contemporary political discussions. The rising tide of populism and anti-migration sentiments within developed regions has also influenced political discourse in the Global South, with South Africa being notably impacted by such dynamics (Crush et al., 2017; de Haas et al., 2019a; Ruedin, 2019). This has fuelled political debates within the South African context, with politicians continuing the use of segregatory terminologies such as 'wave' and 'influx' of undocumented migrants from neighbouring countries, including Zimbabwe. Such sentiments spark scholarly debates on whether migration has undeniably become an intrinsic part of contemporary global development processes or a problem to be solved (Castles, 2009; de Haas et al., 2019b). Of note, from South Africa, the issue of undocumented migrants has given rise to hate politics, exclusion and institutionalised xenophobic movements (Crush et al., 2017; Gordon, 2010; Neocosmos, 2008).
Such segregations and xenophobic movements remain apparent, as undocumented migrants in SA are estimated to be between 500,000 and 2.2 million (Maunganidze et al., 2021), including 642,000 displaced and refugee migrant children (UNICEF, 2020). The South African Department of Social Development (2021) has indicated that a significant proportion of these children are from Zimbabwe, although the number is difficult to ascertain. Such claims have been substantiated by an Al Jazeera report, which highlighted that by mid-2018, over 175,000 undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children resided in South Africa (Krige & Panchia, 2020). Noteworthy factors contributing to this phenomenon include the porous borders between these two countries, geographical proximity, and economic opportunities in South Africa, which serve as catalysing factors, while increased poverty and political instability in Zimbabwe increase people’s aspirations to migrate (de Haas, 2021; Bloch, 2008; Gordon, 2010; Crush et al., 2017). These dynamics have led to various migratory patterns, including children arriving alone at the Musina border, some born to irregular migrants, and those who migrated with their undocumented parents (South Africa Department of Social Development, 2021; Crush et al., 2017). Thus, the status of undocumented migrant children encompasses both accompanied and unaccompanied minors, including those seeking refuge (Vižintin, 2022).
While accurate figures for undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa remain elusive, the conceptualisation of undocumented children is a pressing need (UNICEF, 2020). With many variations in its definitions, the term "undocumented migrant child" in this paper refers to any individual under the age of 18 who lacks the official documentation required for identification or legal status (South Africa Department of Social Development, 2021). By nature of their status, these undocumented migrant children are in acute need of accessing fundamental social protection services such as education, healthcare, and social support (South African Government News Agency, 2017; UNICEF, 2020), which is deemed a challenge in a hostile community such as South Africa. Despite having sound legal frameworks (such as the South African Education Policy) meant to protect all children, undocumented migrant children’s access to education is marred with challenges (Landau & Amit, 2014; Crush & Dodson, 2017). Policy gaps and ambiguities lead to discrimination, xenophobia, and racism within schools (White & Rispel, 2021). Without proper documentation, these children face barriers to enrolment, and negative societal attitudes, fuelled by anti-immigrant rhetoric, further hinder their educational opportunities, perpetuating exclusion and limiting their prospects (Ruedin, 2019; Crush et al., 2017).
The lack of educational support highlights the broader integration challenges faced by these undocumented migrant children. Education is a crucial component for successful integration (Grant & Portera, 2017; Vižintin, 2022); hence the question still remains: can development of intercultural competence in the education system (Vižintin, 2022) offer a just solution to successful integration of these undocumented children in South Africa? Consequently, many scholars (Hahl et al., 2015; Koegeler-Abdi & Parncutt, 2013; Palaiologou & Dietz, 2012; Grant & Portera, 2017; Rignarsdóttir & Blöndal, 2015; Robson et al., 2015; Vižintin, 2022) have significantly contributed to the literature on intercultural education, advocating for its theoretical and practical value in ensuring access to education for all. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer two central questions: 1) What are the primary legal, institutional, and societal barriers preventing undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children from accessing education in South Africa, despite constitutional guarantees? 2) How can the implementation of an intercultural education model serve as a practical framework to dismantle these barriers and foster genuine integration? To the best of our knowledge, this is the first inquiry that proposes an additional approach, such as the intercultural education model, to the South African context in an attempt to address the matter of undocumented migrant children. Following this introductory part of the paper, the next sections are presented as follows: methodology, legal frameworks, challenges, and intercultural model.
METHODOLOGY
A qualitative approach is adopted for this study, as it allows for a nuanced analysis of the sociopolitical and institutional barriers that undocumented migrant children encounter in the education sector. The study integrates discourse and policy analysis to examine South Africa’s legal and institutional frameworks concerning the right to education for undocumented children. The paper relies on secondary data sources, including legislative and policy documents, such as the South African Schools Act (1996), the Refugee Act (1998), and international frameworks such as the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations, 1989). Scholarly literature on migration, xenophobia, and access to education for migrant children in South Africa was incorporated. It also encompasses reports from organizations such as UNICEF, the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), and academic think tanks that document the challenges of undocumented migrant children. Media sources and discourse analysis were used to examine prevailing public and political narratives around migrant children’s access to education.
To further develop a solid, coherent argument, this study employed a critical discourse analysis to examine the language used in policy documents and media reports, identifying underlying assumptions and biases related to undocumented migrants. A policy analysis was also conducted to map the inconsistencies and ambiguities between South Africa's constitutional commitments and the practical implementation of school admission policies. Thematic analysis was used to synthesize findings from secondary literature and reports, identifying recurrent barriers such as 'gatekeeping by schools,' ‘financial exclusion,' and 'internalized xenophobia.’
LOCALANDINTERNATIONALFRAMEWORKSONCHILDEDUCATIONINSA
In terms of policy, South Africa proves to be ahead in supporting the inclusion of migrant children in its educational sector, as several key policies and legal frameworks have been established. For instance, the South African Schools Act of 1996 and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Section 29) guarantee the right to basic education for all children within the country, regardless of their legal status (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, section 29; South African Schools Act 84 of 1996, section 3). These constitutional and educational acts complement the Refugee Act 130 of 1998, which ensures that refugee and asylum-seeking children, including undocumented immigrants, are entitled to primary education and healthcare services (Refugee Act 130 of 1998). Moreover, the South Africa Department of Education mentioned that South Africa’s Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act (4 of 2000), commonly referred to as the Equality Act, safeguards individuals in educational settings against discrimination on any grounds, including nationality or legal status (South Africa Department of Education, 2018).
In addition, Section 15 of the South African National Admission Policy (1996) allows for the conditional admission of undocumented learners, although its application remains inconsistent across different schools (Crush et al., 2017). South Africa is a signatory to major international initiatives—including the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child—which guarantee universal rights for all children, specifically their right to education, and obligate the country to uphold these rights (United Nations, 1989; Organization of African Unity, 1990; UNICEF, 2020). These policies, when effectively implemented, play a crucial role in mitigating the barriers faced by undocumented migrant children and promoting their equitable access to education in South Africa (Sayed & Motala, 2012).
Despite the existence of these legal frameworks, undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa continue to encounter numerous barriers to accessing quality education (Chiweshe, 2023). Therefore, it is imperative to address these policy gaps and ambiguities within the South African educational system to safeguard the rights of these vulnerable children and facilitate their successful integration.
Intersectional Elements in Migrant Children Discrimination
Intersectionality theory, first introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989), offers a valuable framework for understanding the complex challenges faced by undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa's education system. This theory posits that individuals experience multiple, intersecting forms of oppression and discrimination based on their various social identities, such as race, gender, class, and nationality. In the context of this paper, intersectionality can elucidate how the overlapping identities of being a child, a migrant, undocumented, and potentially of a different race or ethnicity compound to create unique barriers to educational access and integration (Scuzzarello & Moroşanu, 2023).
Using intersectionality theory, we examine how the multiple marginalised identities of undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children interact to produce specific forms of disadvantage within the South African education system. For instance, these children may face discrimination not only due to their migrant status but also because of their race, ethnicity, local people's perceptions, language barriers, and socioeconomic status (Hanna, 2022). This intersectional approach allows for a more nuanced understanding of the structural and institutional challenges these children encounter, moving beyond single-axis analyses that might overlook the complexity of their experiences. Furthermore, intersectionality can inform policy recommendations by highlighting the need for multifaceted interventions, such as the development of intercultural competence, that address the interconnected nature of discrimination and exclusion faced by these vulnerable students (Vižintin, 2022; Collins & Bilge, 2020; Yuval-Davis, 2015).
Intercultural Competency Model in Education
In trying to offer a sustainable solution to the ongoing discrimination of undocumented migrant children in education fraternity, Milton Bennett's (1986) intercultural theory has remained relevant in intercultural education, including the successful integration of migrant children into the education sector. The model is a framework for understanding how individuals perceive, think, and act in cross-cultural situations (Bennett, 1986). This theory identifies that individuals go through several stages as they become more inter-culturally competent. These stages include denial, defence, minimisation, acceptance, adaptation, and integration (Bennett, 1986). These stages of cultural adaptation from denial to integration provide the lens through which this study can borrow insights. Recently, scholars have now used the theory to assess how the development of intercultural competence within schools can mitigate discrimination and foster inclusion (Vižintin, 2022; Chiswick & Miller, 2002), highlighting the model's significance in addressing educational disparities and promoting equitable outcomes for migrant children. The development of an intercultural competent education environment is a pedagogical approach that fosters an inclusive and respectful learning environment by developing intercultural competence among students and educators (Bennett, 1986). This model emphasizes understanding and valuing cultural diversity, promoting dialogue, and encouraging engagement with different cultural perspectives (Bennett, 1986).
Researchers have consistently emphasised the importance of intercultural competence in educational settings (Grant & Portera, 2017; Vižintin, 2022), advocating for its theoretical and practicality to promote the successful integration of migrant children. Considering its tenets, the development of intercultural competence can be ideal for the South African school system, and it might be a critical strategy to ensure inclusion and academic success of undocumented migrant children. Notable scholars (Palaiologou & Dietz, 2012; Koegeler-Abdi & Parncutt, 2013; Hahl et al., 2015; Rignarsdóttir & Blöndal, 2015; Grant & Portera, 2017; Vižintin, 2022) have contributed significantly to the discourse on intercultural education, underscoring its potential to bridge cultural divides and foster a more inclusive and supportive educational environment.
Educators can help students navigate these stages by providing cross-cultural learning and adaptation opportunities. Understanding the challenges and opportunities of educating migrant children from diverse cultural backgrounds becomes easier through cognisance of levels of intercultural competence. From this model, Bennett suggests that societies will reach the integration stage, where individuals can synthesize diverse cultural perspectives and create new ways of thinking and behaving.
Several studies (Aguado-Odina et al., 2017; Hernandez et al., 2013; Leeman & Reid, 2006) have examined the applicability of Bennett's theory in the education of migrant children. For example, in a survey conducted by Leeman and Reid (2006) in Australia and the Netherlands, researchers suggested cultural awareness training for teachers, cross-cultural dialogue among students, and creating a culturally responsive learning environment to incorporate migrants' children. Similarly, Hernandez et al. (2013) adds that educators can help students move through intercultural stages by providing opportunities to support the development of language skills and create a culturally inclusive learning environment. Moreover, a study conducted in Spain reveals that intercultural competence fosters mutual respect and understanding of underlying barriers to integrating migrant children, supporting their academic success (Aguado-Odina et al., 2017).
In this paper, our argument concurs with Bennett's (1986) intercultural education’s relevance, as we suggest a need to develop intercultural competence in the South African education system to reduce discrimination and ensure the successful integration of undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children. This would help undocumented migrant children and other local students develop intercultural competence. Educators can support equitable academic success by creating a favourable learning environment.
DEFACTODISCRIMINATIONOFUNDOCUMENTEDMIGRANTCHILDRENINTHESOUTH AFRICANEDUCATIONSYSTEM
In South Africa, there is an expanding body of literature regarding the inclusion and exclusion of migrant children, including refugees (Gordon, 2010; Landau & Amit, 2014; Landau et al., 2011; Nyamnjoh, 2010; Pinson & Arnot, 2010; White & Rispel, 2021). White and Rispel identified policy gaps and their adverse effects on undocumented migrant children in South Africa, leading to discrimination, xenophobia, and racism, phenomena often overlooked in migration studies focusing on the Global South (White & Rispel, 2021). Anti-immigrant rhetoric from politicians and the general public is prevalent in South African media (Crush et al., 2017; Ruedin, 2019) and shapes societal attitudes toward migrants. These attitudes translate into socioeconomic exclusion, limiting individual rights of irregular migrants, particularly those of the undocumented children (Crush & Dodson, 2017; Landau & Amit, 2014).
Pinson and Arnot (2010) highlighted the significant barriers undocumented migrant children face in accessing education, primarily due to discriminatory attitudes within school environments that hinder their access to quality educational opportunities. In amplifying the implications of such discriminatory attitudes towards migrant learners in South Africa, Helen Hanna's publication on multi-vocal storytelling and migrant learners in South Africa underscores that racialised and ethnicised perceptions about migrant children contribute to xenophobic and Afrophobic sentiments, fostering a discriminatory and hostile learning atmosphere (Hanna, 2022). Hanna's findings corroborate with several studies focusing on the educational challenges experienced by refugee children in South Africa (Meda, 2017; South African Human Rights Commission, 2019) highlighting the prevalence of discrimination against undocumented children, albeit the fact that these studies often fall short of proposing sustainable solutions to address the issue.
As efforts to ensure educational support to these undocumented migrant children, the South African government subscribed to and implemented some supporting legal frame-works. The South African government is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. Both charters and the Children's Act advocate for children's universal rights. Soon after apartheid in South Africa, the school system implemented transformative policies to address historical racialised inequalities (Soudien, 2007). Learners have the right to quality, non-discriminatory education under international and national law (Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, section 29; South African Schools Act, 1996b; United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989). Section 27(g) of the South African Refugee Act No. 130 of 1998 guarantees access to primary education and healthcare to the children of refugees and asylum applicants, including undocumented immigrant children (South African Refugee Act, 1998). In addition to that, there is a national curriculum, an extensive schedule of assessment, and a range of policies on inclusion in education (Republic of South Africa Department of Basic Education, 2018). These efforts aim at buttressing the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000, South Africa’s anti-discrimination law covering all grounds. The Act prohibits discrimination based on race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language, and birth (Republic of South Africa, 2000).
Despite legislation that forms the basis for the right to education in South Africa, undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children continue to face various forms of discrimination, which deny them the opportunity to enrol in public schools (Chiweshe, 2023). The genesis of the discrimination lies within the legal contradictions between the constitutional right to education for everyone and sections 39 and 42 of the Immigration Act, which restricts the provision of training or teaching to irregular immigrants ('illegal aliens'). The Immigration Act No. 13 of 2002 gives a mandate to the Department of Home Affairs to "detect and deport illegal foreigners" as well as "inspect institutions of learning to ensure that illegal foreigners are not enrolled therein" (Government of South Africa, 2002). These ambiguities remain a legal barrier limiting undocumented migrant children from being recognised by the South African government, and schools responded likewise by restricting the admission of these undocumented migrant children (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019).
There are some ambiguities regarding policy interpretations in different contexts concerning educational access for undocumented migrant children. It is still unclear whether Section 15 of the South African National Admission Policy (1996), which states that schools may conditionally admit undocumented learners,creates a discretionary right of admission for undocumented migrant children in South Africa. Giving exclusive rights to schools creates street-level bureaucracy, and schools act as gatekeepers or agents of immigration control (Crush & Tawodzera, 2014).
Additionally, schools have intrinsic administrative structures and fee systems that disadvantage undocumented migrants (Sayed & Motala, 2012). Previous research on Zimbabwean migrant families in South Africa has shown that high fee structures present significant barriers to children’s education, especially for those whose undocumented parents often work in informal, unregulated market sectors and face acute financial hardship (Buckland, 2011; Crush & Tawodzera, 2014). The financial burden extends beyond tuition fees to include additional costs such as uniforms, transportation, and extracurricular activities (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019). Consequently, undocumented migrant children are frequently excluded from full participation in educational programs, further exacerbating their marginalisation (UNICEF, 2020). Addressing these financial barriers is crucial to ensuring equitable access to education for all students, irrespective of their legal status (Crush & Tawodzera, 2014).
Moreover, the South African Human Rights Commission (2019) noted the cost of schooling (including meals and stationery) as a significant blow to undocumented Zimbabwean migrant learners. Despite facing other burdens, such as transportation, schools are not allocating fee waivers and grant support for the most vulnerable undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children (Crush & Tawodzera, 2014). The curriculum does not address the lack of support, as the media and politicians consider Zimbabweans in South Africa as the source of continued inequality among the local population, criminality, and unemployment (Nhemachena et al., 2022). Failure to support vulnerable migrant children creates a discriminatory barrier for undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children from low-income families who cannot afford living costs.
Undocumented migrant learners encounter documentation-related discrimination that prevents them from accessing education at par with the local children (Hanna, 2022). Discrimination is based on entrance documents (e.g., birth certificate, evidence of immunisation, transfer card from previous school, and proof of age) (Motha et al., 2005), which are a nightmare for the undocumented parents to access. Such a hindrance was highly pronounced by UNESCO (2018), which highlights that the lack of documentation, combined with xenophobia and prejudice, significantly heightens the risk of undocumented migrant children being denied entry to schools. This has been exacerbated by the failure of school curricula to address these forms of discrimination, which can intensify exclusion rather than foster protection or inclusion for migrant learners (UNESCO, 2018).
Sayed & Motala (2012) further emphasise that educational institutions often mandate a certain level of proficiency in Afrikaans for undocumented migrant learners. This requirement poses significant challenges for these students, as their primary languages of instruction in their home countries are typically English and their native mother tongues, such as Shona or Ndebele. The linguistic hegemony ultimately leads to linguicide of these children's local dialects and champions acculturation rather than integration. Consequently, this linguistic barrier hinders their ability to access some of the material and adapt to the South African educational system, which failed to recognise their linguistic marginality. Thus, language proficiency requirements exacerbate the educational marginalisation of undocumented migrant children and impede their academic progress and social inclusion in the school environment.
Research done by White and Rispel (2021) shows that undocumented Zimbabwean children cannot access their metric examination certification, evidence of educational success in South Africa. A metric certificate is a university/college or job market entry qualification (Republic of South Africa Department of Basic Education, 2018). While a child may not be denied the national senior certificate due to a lack of a birth certificate, the exam certificate cannot be issued without one, leaving the learner without proof of success (Motha et al., 2005; UNESCO, 2018). The South African Human Rights Commission (2019) confirms that limiting undocumented migrant children's access to proof of educational success affects their integration into the job market. In most cases, Zimbabwean un-documented parents cannot approach Home Affairs to process documentation for their children, as they fear deportation and sometimes, they lack precise information on how, where, and when they may file birth certificates for their children (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019).
Many Zimbabweans in South Africa are economic migrants, which is not within the international framework of refugee status. To be granted asylum or refugee status in South Africa, a person must fall under the categories of the Refugee Act. Unfortunately, many Zimbabweans do not fall under this category, and they live in liminal spaces as undocumented migrants invisibilising themselves, fearing and evading arrests from law enforcement agencies (Bloch, 2008). Even if they try to access documentation services for themselves and their children, the Department of Home Affairs is frequently known for its systematic exclusion of undocumented migrants, soliciting bribes in exchange for services, delaying the provision of study permits, resulting in registration delays, and displaying xenophobic attitudes through derogatory remarks or generally acting belligerently.
The education curricula do not address the language barrier to enhance the successful integration and inclusion of migrant children in South Africa. Undocumented Zimbabwean children often come from homes that speak Shona and Ndebele. Research by Hanna (2022) identified that migrant children face social exclusion due to speaking English in a 'foreign' accent or having 'blacker' skin than other South African learners and being negatively stereotyped by teachers and co-learners. The language of command only recognises diversity among local students rather than migrant children (Hanna, 2022). Such incidences fall short of the aim; ideally, there is disconnect between the societal endeavour of creating a rainbow nation vis-à-vis the aspect of xenophobia and Afrophobia (Hanna, 2022). The policy did not give leeway to ensure recognition of migrants' linguistic challenges and how to assist them.
Widespread xenophobic and Afrophobic attacks directly impact Zimbabwean migrant children. Mawadza and Banda (2016) argue that undocumented Zimbabweans are mis-represented in the media and migration literature, resulting in criminalisation and victimisation. This has been highly pronounced by the Democratic Alliance (DA) Limpopo (2025), attributing irregular Zama Zamas, including Zimbabweans, to robbery, vandalism, violence, and accidents in South Africa. Madimu (2022) further documented that unlawful gold miners are regularly arrested, prosecuted, and deported. These are usually the parents of those undocumented children who face such a tragedy. With the basic understanding that schools are a microcosm of more com-prehensive social processes, it is conceivable that learners in the school space will be affected by negative attitudes and actions toward migrants that exist outside the school gates (Hanna, 2022).
Moreso, Zimbabwean undocumented migrant children face discrimination and prejudice from their peers and teachers based on their nationality, with the broader sentiment that their parents are taking jobs from the local people (Krige & Panchia, 2020). Parental non-involvement and non-recognition in broader societal transformations reduce and disrupt intercultural dialogue, which considers parents as informed role-players in the assessment and development of their children (Vižintin, 2022). Living in such an environment can lead to social isolation and a lack of support, negatively impacting migrant children's academic performance.
The systematic provision of guidance is mainly limited to local students. This support includes the routine provision of advice (e.g., teaching assistants and homework support) and the systematic provision of financial resources (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019). Additionally, undocumented Zim-babwean migrant children may not have access to support services, such as tutoring or counselling, to help them succeed in school (Ruedin, 2019). Lack of support excludes undocumented Zimbabwean children from competing with native South African children, ultimately affecting their access to quality education (Krige & Panchia, 2020). Such de facto discrimination and prejudice are intersecting inequalities (Keller et al., 2023), which create detrimental barriers limiting the integration of people with diverse cultures. States, schools, and communities must work together to create an inclusive and supportive environment that values diversity and provides equal opportunities for all students, herein referred to as the development of intercultural competence.
The exclusion of undocumented children in the South African education sector is an orchestrated discrimination hinged on policy, xenophobia, and Afrophobia. Utterances of the non-discrimination approach by the Depart-ment of Basic Education seem to be rhetoric, as discrimination against undocumented Zim-babwean children is an ongoing challenge, as these children face prejudice and stereotypes by peers and educators, reducing their integration into the education system (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019). The subsequent section explains the significance of advocating for intercultural competence for the inclusion of undocumented migrant children in South Africa.
AN APPRAISAL OF INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA
Based on the challenges mentioned earlier and the nature of vulnerabilities among undocumented migrant children, there is a need to develop intercultural competence in the South African education sector. The model may enhance the successful integration of these undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa. Intercultural education is essential for educators working with diverse student populations, including migrant children (Vižintin, 2022). The intercultural education concept focusses on the integration of migrant children in a process described by Vižintin as a 'two-way (or indeed multi-directional) process as the programs and measures of integration policies are directed toward migrants and the majority population and encourage reciprocal adaptation' (2022 p. 2). The concept follows seven steps illustrated by Vižintin (2022): 1. Interculturality as a principle, 2. Systematic support for Inclusion, 3. Intercultural competence, 4. A multi-perspective curriculum, 5. Intercultural dialogue, 6. Cooperation with migrants' parents, and 7. Cooperation with the local community. The suggestion of this paper is on the development of intercultural competence, aiming at addressing discrimination of undocumented learners at the school level.
The Council of Europe defines intercultural competence as the ability to understand and appreciate the differences between cultures and to work effectively with people from different cultural backgrounds (Council of Europe, 2016). The capacity is driven mainly through acquiring knowledge by teachers so that they will 'professionally and competently react to intolerance and prejudice against migrant children' (Vižintin, 2022, p. 90). Since teachers are products of discriminatory educational models (Nieto & Bode, 2008), acquiring knowledge about migration encourages them to analyse discriminatory teaching materials and address other exclusionary elements in an everyday school environment (Vižintin, 2022). These elements include essential grey areas of the policy, promoting social cohesion, and reducing cultural tensions between local and migrant children in South African schools.
Intercultural competence promotes understanding, tolerance, and respect for different cultures (Portera, 2008). The model fosters understanding and tolerance between people of different cultures, which can help to reduce prejudice and discrimination. The model creates an inclusive educational environment that recognises and values diversity (Palaiologou & Dietz, 2012; Koegeler-Abdi & Parncutt, 2013), which can, in turn, help to overcome some of the challenges faced by undocumented Zimbabwean learners in South Africa. The idea translates that teachers with intercultural competence can better create inclusive and supportive learning environments for migrant children.
Through developing intercultural competence, teachers and learners combine knowledge, skills, and relations appropriate to the environment and involve emotions, values, and motivations (Vižintin, 2022). When equipped with the knowledge, South African teachers will be promoting interculturality that is reciprocal, where undocumented children's language is valued, learned, and supported, which makes migrant learners become part and parcel of the education system that respects their culture. The idea reduces discriminatory speech purported against undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa.
A study conducted in the United States found that teachers with intercultural competence were more likely to engage in culturally responsive teaching practices, which can enhance the academic achievement and social-emotional well-being of migrant children (Lee et al., 2014). Culturally responsive teaching involves adapting instructional strategies to meet the needs of students from diverse cultural backgrounds. Adaptive mechanisms bring a friendly environment where parents of migrant children participate in the intercultural dialogue and assist in the decision-making of child education (Vižintin, 2022). The OECD (2015) noted that educators who possess intercultural competence can better understand the needs and perspectives of migrant children and their families and are more likely to create welcoming and inclusive learning environments. Teachers and school authorities became crucial in assisting undocumented migrant children with immediate needs, such as grant support and fee waivers (South African Human Rights Commission, 2019). In this regard, interculturality is particularly important in multicultural societies, where individuals from different backgrounds may come into contact regularly.
The European Parliament (2016) and the Council of Europe (2016) emphasise that intercultural competence is a lifelong process, comprised of critical skills that promote diversity, mutual understanding, and inclusion in democratic societies (European Parliament, 2016; Council of Europe, 2016). According to Vižintin (2022), teachers play a crucial role in developing a competent intercultural environment. If South African teachers establish intercultural competence, they will have empathy (a condition for understanding others), respect for other people's opinions, open-mindedness to new cultures, tolerance for various misunderstandings, eagerness to acquire new knowledge, self-reflexivity, interpersonal skills to interact with different cultures, and the ability to adapt to other people's values (Vižintin, 2022). Considering this, policies need to support continuous learning for teachers and other significant players to ensure the integration of migrant children.
Following all the seven steps highlighted by Vižintin (2022) would not be feasible in this short paper but highlighting them would give an overview to understand how successful integration of migrant children can be enhanced through developing intercultural competence. However, this section dwells upon intercultural competence, a critical skill for educators working with undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa. Embracing and encouraging this competency can help promote understanding and empathy, facilitate communication, adapt teaching strategies, address language barriers by introducing migrants' languages in school curricula, and encourage cultural exchange, all of which can contribute to the successful integration of undocumented migrant children into the South African education system.
CONCLUSION
This paper highlights the discrimination of undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa, which affects their successful integration into the education system. It emphasises the need to develop intercultural competence in the South African school system to address these challenges. The paper employs qualitative exploratory research by analysing policies, relevant literature, and think tank reports. It adopts Milton Bennett's intercultural theory to understand the challenges and suggests developing intercultural competence to integrate undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa successfully. Intercultural competence, as proposed by Milton Bennett, provides a practical approach to addressing the discrimination and exclusion faced by migrant children.
Undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa face various forms of discrimination and barriers to education, hinged on policy inconsistency, limited financial resources, discriminatory school admission policies, language barriers, and societal prejudices. We argued that de facto discrimination exists vis-à-vis some legal resources in South Africa, as schools create an externalised border that limits participation of these undocumented children. Moreover, these undocumented migrant children face unprecedented marginalities emanating from the negative stereotypes that paint them as products of illegal immigration, which is responsible for poverty, unemployment, and increased crime rates. Hence, their vulnerability is heightened. Amid policy exclusions and human-driven discriminations, school systems act as street-level bureaucratic structures and anti-immigration agencies, making it imperative to develop intercultural competence that makes educators and learners critical players in guaranteeing the successful integration of undocumented migrant learners.
As a remedy to challenges faced by undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children, there is a need to implement intercultural competence to promote inclusivity, respect, and understanding among all students in South Africa. Intercultural competence development suggested in this paper emphasises the importance of cross-cultural learning, adaptation, and integration. Strategies such as cultural awareness training for teachers, promoting cross-cultural dialogue, and creating inclusive learning environments become feasible with intercultural competence development. By adopting an intercultural model, the South African education system would be better supporting the successful integration of undocumented migrant children and ensuring their access to quality education.
To mainstream this model in South Africa's education system, the curriculum should be revised to integrate intercultural competence as a core component, and educator training programs should include modules on managing culturally diverse classrooms (Grant & Portera, 2017). Schools should collaborate with local communities to facilitate cross-cultural exchanges (Vižintin, 2022), and policies must be enforced to ensure undocumented migrant children have equal access to education (Chiswick & Miller, 2002). By embedding intercultural competence into the educational framework, South Africa can create a supportive environment for undocumented migrant children, fostering their academic success and integration into society.
This paper aligns with the existing body of literature by exploring the impact of discrimination on the educational access of undocumented Zimbabwean migrant children in South Africa and examining how intercultural competence can mitigate these challenges. Some studies (Chiswick & Miller, 2002; Crush et al., 2017) have reaffirmed the significance of intercultural competence in enhancing educational outcomes for migrant children. By integrating these insights, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the intersection between migration, education, and intercultural competence.
This ultimately contributes to policy recom-mendations aimed at fostering a more inclusive educational environment in South Africa.
More research and policies are still worthwhile to ensure the implementation and educational support for undocumented migrant children in South Africa. By integrating intercultural competence into the educational framework, educators can create a conducive learning environment that supports equitable academic success for all students, irrespective of their immigration status. This approach not only enhances the educational experiences of undocumented migrant children but also promotes mutual respect and understanding among the broader student population, ultimately contributing to a more cohesive and harmonious society.
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